Born 1957. Journalist and author and former press secretary to Tony Blair as Leader of the Opposition (1994-97) and as Prime minister (1997-2000). From 2000-2003, he was director of communications for the Labour Party (2000-03). Before 1994, he had been political editor of Today newspaper and the Daily Mirror. Campbell gave detailed testimony on the political media and what he saw as the decline of genuine investigative journalism and the increasing tendency of owners, editors and senior journalists to wish to be political players. Embellishment and pure invention were tolerated and encouraged by some editors and owners, he said.
This is a lengthy, critical essay on the state of journalism in short sections, most of which are illustrated with examples either from Campbell’s personal experience or from recent journalism. He also supplies links to articles. These are the section headings: A summary of the debit side, The context of change, A changed definition of news, When Hysteria becomes inhumane, The fusion of news and comment / invention, The story right or wrong, Politics and the media, The decline of genuine investigative journalism, Relations between politicians and owners / editors, Papers as political players / journalists as spin doctors, The reliance on anonymous (and often invented) quotes, Culture of negativity, Labour should have addressed the issue when in power, Culture of negativity extends well beyond politics, The media controls the terms of debate about the media, Dubious practices, Private detectives as journalists, Phone hacking, Other activities of which I have personal experience, The uselfulness of the PCC and what might replace it, Breakdown of contempt of court laws, Non-aggression pacts between newspapers, Proprietorial interference, including in breach of undertakings, The herd and the bullying culture, The chance for a free press worth the name. (A draft version of this statement was published in draft form on the Guido Fawkes website several days before its publication by the Inquiry. This was discussed at the Inquiry.)
Questioned by Robert Jay QC, Campbell is led through the evidence in his statement, adding some details and comments.
Again a lengthy statement, this follows the style of the first, its ordering reflecting questions sent to Campbell by the Inquiry. His headings are: Why media relations were changing, Why Labour needed to change, Changing the terms of Labour’s media relations, A neutralisation strategy, Why print media remains important in the digital age, Why good media-political relations are in the public interest, Failure to act re the press, Difference between opposition and government / changes we made, The real spin doctors are the journalists, Election campaigns, Newspapers and ‘power’, Personal campaigns, Lessons to learn, Nicholas Soames MP, New regulation is needed, but regulation alone will not change culture, Lord Hunt’s proposals, Differences between print and other media, My contacts with proprietors and journalists, Rupert Murdoch, Other editors / broadcasters, Number 10 communications, Order in Council, Strategic communications unit, Why spin became such an issue, The working day, Whether we could have done things differently, Phillis Review, Reaction to Hutton, Specific stories, The Mail. An appendix repeat relevant parts of the first statement. There are few references to particular articles, except in the section labelled Specific stories.
Questioned by Robert Jay QC. A rehearsal of some of the evidence in the statement, with reference to other evidence sometimes at odds with Campbell’s account. Particular attention is given to the way in which Downing Street media operations functioned, relations with Rupert Murdoch and his papers, and at the end to forms of regulation.
Questioned by Robert Jay QC, Campbell is led through the evidence in his statement, adding some details and comments.
Questioned by Robert Jay QC. A rehearsal of some of the evidence in the statement, with reference to other evidence sometimes at odds with Campbell’s account. Particular attention is given to the way in which Downing Street media operations functioned, relations with Rupert Murdoch and his papers, and at the end to forms of regulation.
Again a lengthy statement, this follows the style of the first, its ordering reflecting questions sent to Campbell by the Inquiry. His headings are: Why media relations were changing, Why Labour needed to change, Changing the terms of Labour’s media relations, A neutralisation strategy, Why print media remains important in the digital age, Why good media-political relations are in the public interest, Failure to act re the press, Difference between opposition and government / changes we made, The real spin doctors are the journalists, Election campaigns, Newspapers and ‘power’, Personal campaigns, Lessons to learn, Nicholas Soames MP, New regulation is needed, but regulation alone will not change culture, Lord Hunt’s proposals, Differences between print and other media, My contacts with proprietors and journalists, Rupert Murdoch, Other editors / broadcasters, Number 10 communications, Order in Council, Strategic communications unit, Why spin became such an issue, The working day, Whether we could have done things differently, Phillis Review, Reaction to Hutton, Specific stories, The Mail. An appendix repeat relevant parts of the first statement. There are few references to particular articles, except in the section labelled Specific stories.
This is a lengthy, critical essay on the state of journalism in short sections, most of which are illustrated with examples either from Campbell’s personal experience or from recent journalism. He also supplies links to articles. These are the section headings: A summary of the debit side, The context of change, A changed definition of news, When Hysteria becomes inhumane, The fusion of news and comment / invention, The story right or wrong, Politics and the media, The decline of genuine investigative journalism, Relations between politicians and owners / editors, Papers as political players / journalists as spin doctors, The reliance on anonymous (and often invented) quotes, Culture of negativity, Labour should have addressed the issue when in power, Culture of negativity extends well beyond politics, The media controls the terms of debate about the media, Dubious practices, Private detectives as journalists, Phone hacking, Other activities of which I have personal experience, The uselfulness of the PCC and what might replace it, Breakdown of contempt of court laws, Non-aggression pacts between newspapers, Proprietorial interference, including in breach of undertakings, The herd and the bullying culture, The chance for a free press worth the name. (A draft version of this statement was published in draft form on the Guido Fawkes website several days before its publication by the Inquiry. This was discussed at the Inquiry.)
